asian defence

A new type of conventional missile being researched by the Chinese Army is set to be weaponised for entry into active service within five years, military sources revealed.

The China News Service has reported that China Aerospace Science and Industry Corporation (CASIC) will complete research, production and delivery of the new missile by 2015.

A military source revealed that the mew missile is a medium and long-range conventional missile with a travelling distance of 4,000km.

Used in both defence and attack, the new missile will be capable of dealing with threats from land, sea, air, space and cybernetic attacks.
"The project will also entail a three-year evaluation period. It extends the range of China's missiles and will therefore greatly enhance the national defence capabilities," the source added.

Tensions in the arms sales relationship between Russia and China have been visibly on the rise in recent years. Yet, in November 2010, Moscow and Beijing announced a large new package of arms sales that appear to have turned a new leaf in this relationship. Much of the tension stemmed from the Chinese defense industry's practice of reverse engineering Russian weapons technology, indigenizing it and then reselling it in third party markets in competition with Moscow. In negotiations, China has long demanded that Russia sell it advanced technologies in its defense platforms or advanced weapons, something that Moscow has been loath to do regarding both the weapons and their components . Russia has also always been concerned that China might ultimately employ these advanced technologies and systems against it or its friends in Asia.


For example, in 2006 it refused to sell certain sensitive space technologies to China (Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Newsline, December 27, 2006). Nevertheless the restoration of arms sales appears to be connected with a new turn in Sino-Russian relations in China’s favor. The fifth round of Sino-Russian strategic talks took place form January 23-25 and Russia’s arms sales organization, Rosoboroneksport, has announced that it sees China as Russia’s chief partner in Asia (Interfax, January 19).
This turn in Sino-Russian ties, probably dictated form the highest levels of both governments, appears to have overridden Russia’s mounting concerns about Chinese military developments.

WZ551/Type92 IFV seems to be a common sign in Southern Sudan. In addition to serving with the PLA UN Engineering Battalion as part the UNAMID, it is also serving with the Zambians peacekeepers in the same region.

Publication: China Brief Volume: 10 Issue: 12
June 11, 2010 11:31 AM Age: 8 days
Category: China Brief, Home Page, Foreign Policy, Military/Security, Energy, China and the Asia-Pacific, South Asia
By: Stephen Blank

In late April, China announced the sale of two nuclear reactors to Pakistan. This deal is clearly against the guidelines of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) and the spirit if not the letter of the Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) [1]. Nevertheless, the United States has not and may not even register a protest to this sale in spite of its implications for regional stability. Washington is seeking Beijing's support for effective sanctions on Iran in the U.N. Security Council, which dampens the political will to take Beijing to task on other international issues [2]. Although the announcement of this deal does not come as a surprise, the sale reinforces China’s long-standing ties to Pakistan and the country's sensitive nuclear program, and it testifies to the growing strength of China’s nuclear industry through its ability and desire to export to foreign markets. As the Iran connection also demonstrates, this deal is taking place within a strategic framework that extends beyond Sino-Pakistani relations. Indeed, China’s sale of additional nuclear reactors to Pakistan is happening in the context of renewed aggressiveness by major nuclear powers to export reactors and technology abroad on a global scale and the parallel expansion of the desire by many Asian states for nuclear energy.

China has already built one reactor, the Chasma-1 in Punjab and is building a second one, Chasma-2. According to the “new” deal, China is lending Pakistan $207 million to buy two more reactors, Chasma-3 and Chasma-4 (Cnsnews.com, May 21). Beijing and Islamabad argue that these new deals do not violate the NSG guidelines because they are part of the original deal for Chasma-1 and 2 from 2004 before China joined the NSG (Cnsnews.com, May 21).



Pakistan has sought nuclear reactors from China since 2008 at least and oft-cites as Islamabad's defense the 2005 Indo-American deal where the Bush Administration prevailed upon the NSG in 2008 to grant India a waiver even though it is not a signatory to the NPT. Naturally, the Indo-U.S. deal infuriated the Musharraf regime and its successor regime headed by President Asif Ali Zardari. Pakistan claimed that it also had urgent energy needs that could only be solved by nuclear energy imports but the United States, though it recognizes those needs, fobbed Pakistan off. At the same time, however, India’s success with NSG owed much to its very good record on non-proliferation, something that cannot be said about Pakistan (Cnsnews.com, May 21).

To be sure, China has long supported Pakistan’s nuclear and military programs to check Indian power. This deal is another sign of the Middle Kingdom's growing assertiveness in international affairs. For example, about a month before the sale to Pakistan, China reportedly announced the opening of a missile plant in Iran (The Straits Times, April 30). This missile plant, taken in tandem with China's growing nuclear exports, arguably betokens an expansion in China’s support for dubious states in the proliferation context (Asia Times Online, May 22). The flap over Burma’s nuclear ambitions is further cause for concern about risks for regional instability. There is no doubt that China’s overall foreign and defense policy has become generally assertive but there is more within the context of this deal than its growing assertiveness.

A Communist Party-backed Chinese newspaper has quickly refuted a top Indian scientist’s claims that India’s ballistic missile defence technology is superior to that of China. India is 10-15 years behind China in missile technology, Chinese Rear Admiral Zhang Zhaozhong was quoted saying on the Global Times front page on Friday.The report was prominently reproduced across the Chinese media. “India’s technology for its measurement and control system, which is used to trace launched missiles, remains at a very low level, and they are unable to constitute a complete and reliable missile defense system,” Zhang said.He was reacting to claims of India’s superior missile technology by V K Saraswat, who heads the Defence Research and Development Organisation .......

Several nations of the world hold an annual Armed Forces Day to recognize, venerate, and honor their military forces.



After a successful political campaign based on a very unique and distinctive methodology called “ahimsa” or non-violence India threw off the colonial yoke and set in motion the decline and demise of the British Empire. For a young nation with no colonial ambitions, and, therefore, no militaristic traditions, she inherited a very young military hierarchy as yet untested with the higher direction of warfare but confronted almost immediately on the attainment of Independence with an invasion in Jammu and Kashmir intended to undermine the principles of Accession enshrined in the Independence Act by which Pakistan was created.



As a consequence of this circumstance British officers continued to preside over the top military posts in both countries leaving behind a legacy that has continued to haunt both nascent countries to this day. Five months after the UN mandated ceasefire in Jammu and Kashmir the Government of India replaced the last British Commander-in-Chief in India Gen F R R Bucher with the first Indian to have been selected in the first batch for training for the Kings Commissioned Indian Officer (KCIO) at the UK Imperial War College. K. M. Cariappa held the rank of Lt General and the post of General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Western Command, and he planned the recapture of the Zojila Pass and Dras and Kargil which enabled the Indian Army to push the Pakistani invaders back. A biography describes his role as being instrumental in turning an Imperial Army into a National Army. That is why the date of his appointment — 15 January 1949 — is celebrated as Army Day.

Defense cooperation between China and some Southeast Asian nations are edging ever as Beijing-backed Chinese firms ramp up arms transfers to the region. This is amidst calls for ASEAN to be less dependent on western suppliers. The US seems to be taking notice.

By Kelvin Wong, Yang Fang

Increasing Defense Trade

In recent years, China has complemented it already significant economic and political engagement of Southeast Asia with increased military cooperation, particularly in the area of defense trade. While China is no stranger to the Southeast Asian defense market, having sold equipment to regional states such as Myanmar and Thailand in the past two decades, Beijing seems to be making a serious push to sell arms to its Southeast Asian neighbors of late.

Like any other commodity on the international market, China’s arms are driven by a combination of demand and supply, albeit to a certain point. China has been known to leverage on arms sales to sweeten political ties with recipient nations, often at discounted prices or with generous loan repayment schemes. Some analysts have noted that such deals are targeted at nations of particular value to Beijing, such as a resource-rich nations, in hopes of securing access to energy and raw materials. Its current customers often tend to be seeking to diversify, or lack access, to alternative supply sources. Prestige may also be another driving factor, with the spread of Chinese-made arms raising Beijing’s profile internationally.

Sino-US Tussle for Regional Influence?

China’s efforts to market its defense goods in Southeast Asia have certainly not gone unnoticed. It seems have sparked a renewed drive by Washington to maintain its presence among key regional players. The US Department of Defense is processing – what was termed by defense market intelligence HIS Jane’s – a “complete capability package” for the Indonesian military in July this year in an apparent response to an Indonesia that was increasingly turning to Chinese suppliers. A month earlier, the two countries signed a wide-ranging agreement intended to integrate existing defense collaboration, following a rigorous evaluation of US-made aircraft in service with Indonesian armed forces by the US Air Force. These developments are a remarkable turnaround by Washington, considering that it was as recent as 1999-2006 when sales of lethal weaponry to Indonesia were banned. Closer defense ties with Jakarta may also be a hedge against an increasingly assertive China in the region.

The Sino-US tussle for influence in Southeast Asia is apparent over strategically-important nations as Indonesia. The interest in Indonesia is stimulated by a few factors, including its strategic position, which is home to increasingly important shipping lanes; the country’s huge resource base, in which oil exploration is largely undeveloped; and its rapidly expanding economy, which is expected to drive large-scale military modernization over the next decade and beyond. Indonesia has many important sea lanes which are of strategic importance to both external powers. Industrialized East Asian countries have to rely on these critical shipping lanes to conduct maritime trade and to import much of their energy resources and raw materials. China and the US my also want to protect freedom of navigation for their naval vessels in this part of waterways.

The Chinese Navy's Project 022 class is, despite its innovative hull design, a classic missile-armed fast attack craft. It is designed for the sole purpose of delivering eight anti-ship missiles to a specified naval target and has virtually no capability outside that area. Its design makes it unsuitable for patrol duties, while its short operational radius limits its applicability to maritime policing work.

In military roles, it is virtually defenseless against air attack and would have to rely on speed and agility to survive in a hostile environment. Craft in this general category were once in great vogue, but experience has shown that they are not an effective military unit outside very limited and specific areas. However, the Chinese Navy happens to have one of those limited and specific areas as a primary operational requirement. Thus, in its specific geostrategic situation, the Project 022 is a viable and effective craft.

The Chinese Navy has gone to significant lengths to reduce the investment in any single Project 022 class FAC-M to a minimum. This does not just apply to equipment standards, austere though they are, but to manpower. The Project 022 has a crew of 12 to 14 sailors, less than half that of similar craft. At a unit cost of an estimated $50 million each, the Chinese could afford both the financial and manpower commitment needed to operate a very large fleet of these craft. Construction is expected to exceed 100 hulls and may well go beyond that point.

The catamaran hull form used by the Project 022 appears to be successful, and films of the class at sea show the craft handle well. This raises the possibility that variants of the design might well be evolved to handle a wider spectrum of operational requirements. Stripping out the bulky and heavy missile tubes would provide space and weight for the equipment needed to handle rigid inflatable boats and the other equipment necessary for maritime policing operations. This would allow the Chinese to offer a low-cost and effective competitor in the offshore patrol craft sector.

Over the years, the Chinese have sold large numbers of attack and patrol craft around the world. At present some 40 coastal patrol craft and 70 missile-armed fast attack craft built in China remain in service. The Project 022 would be in an excellent position to replace the latter as they begin to wear and need to be replaced. The postulated maritime patrol craft variant of the design would be well placed to replace the former group. The export market for the Project 022 and derivatives thereof certainly exists; it is up to the Chinese to turn a potential into reality.

Israel Aerospace Industries is offering a modified version of its Gulfstream G550-based conformal airborne early warning (CAEW) aircraft that has the capability to detect targets at sea and near shores.Currently used by the air forces of Israel and Singapore, the AEW-adapted G550 business jet carries a conformal dual-band active electronically scanned array radar. It also features an identification friend or foe system, electronic support measures and an integrated self-protection system, plus communications equipment designed to support network-centric operations.

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Alexis Moussine-Pouchkine, GlassFish Community Manager, explains that there is a lot of good things slated for Java EE 7. "The theme for Java EE 7 is "The Cloud"...we're talking about multi-tenancy, application versioning, support for NRDBMS stores but also about modularity, trying to leverage what will be done at the JavaSE level," he explains in his blog. Of course, all it's still early and a lot can change once the expert groups form and get to work. Nevertheless, there is a lot to be excited about!

For the first time, JavaOne went on the road and traveled to São Paulo, Brazil and Beijing, China. Developers were delighted to have the content, community, and the JavaOne experience come to them. Java Evangelist Arun Gupta captured the flavor of JavaOne Latin America in his blog. In China, Java Champion Adam Bien reported "I was warned that Chinese audience isn't interactive -- and it is absolutely not true!" Stay tuned for Duke packing his bags for Russia and India.

By Bruce Einhorn

Dell (DELL) is fed up with losing ground to Acer (2353:TT). Last year Dell lost its spot as the world's second-largest computer maker to its Taiwanese rival, lagging behind Acer in market share for the first time ever. As of the fourth quarter of 2009, Dell had just 12.4% of the global market, according to market research firm IDC, compared with 13.4% for Acer and 21% for Hewlett-Packard (HPQ).

While Acer executives, including Chairman J.T. Wang, are already talking about how they're going to close the gap with HP, Dell isn't giving up on recovering its No. 2 spot, says Stephen J. Felice, Singapore-based president for the Dell division focused on consumers and small and midsize businesses. And Dell hopes to claw back lost ground without sacrificing profitability. "We are not ceding that second place," he said on a conference call with reporters on Feb. 19. "We see a way to get back to leadership position but will do it in a more measured way."

Dell executives want to avoid following in the footsteps of Acer, which has grown largely because of its strength in low-cost netbooks and other inexpensive computers. "Acer has had a focus on low-end products, but the operating margin they work at is substantially lower than ours," Felice said. "We don't think that's the right strategy for our shareholders."

PRESSURE ON PROFIT MARGINS

Acer's share gains aren't helping Dell investors much either. Dell's fourth-quarter profit dropped 4.8%, to $334 million, the company reported on Feb. 18. Dell's gross margin of 17.4% was also below the 18% expected by analysts, Bloomberg News reported. And the profit picture isn't likely to improve soon. Margins "will be under pressure short term with increased competition from the likes of Acer and, to a lesser degree, Hewlett-Packard," Ashok Kumar, managing director at Northeast Securities, told Bloomberg.

Dell's comeback strategy hinges partly on China and India. The company had sales of about $4 billion from China, according to Felice, making China Dell's second-largest market, behind the U.S. Sales grew 81% in China, which now accounts for 7.5% of the total. Last November, Dell launched its first smartphone, the Mini 3, with state-owned China Mobile (941:HK), the largest cellular operator in the country. The company, which also began selling the Mini 3 in Brazil, plans to launch it in the U.S. with AT&T (T) this year. "We are in very early stages" of the smartphone business, Felice said. "But we have had good sales results in China."

In PCs, Dell's improving Chinese sales haven't translated into better market share. According to Felice, Dell got a big boost from the Chinese government's stimulus package, which promoted purchases of computers. "The stimulus has helped," said Felice. "A lot of it was aimed at small businesses," he said. That's a segment of the industry where Dell has traditionally been strong. Dell's market share in China for the fourth quarter of 2009, however, fell to 8.2%, compared with 9.5% in the fourth quarter of 2008. Dell was the only one of the three biggest vendors in China to lose share: Lenovo grew from 30.8% in the fourth quarter of 2008 to 33.4% in the fourth quarter of 2009, according to IDC data; HP went from 10.9% at yearend 2008 to 14.3% in the fourth quarter of last year.

According to Roger K.Lay

As the balance of power in many domains shifts from the U.S. to China, computer makers are also refocusing their strategies to include a larger China component. China is critical as both a market and a supply base. And Asian vendors have become serious rivals to the top U.S. companies, many of which are beset by persistent management dramas and palace intrigue.

For years, the equation was clear: Large PC brands were American, the big makers were Taiwanese, and China was, at best, a low-cost production site. Today several of the former Taiwanese makers have become international brands, and mainland China has risen to become a full player as both customer and supplier. The Chinese leader, Lenovo Group, is the fourth-largest PC vendor in the world. No. 2 is Taiwan's Acer.

So who's winning? My call is that the Asian brands have a long-term advantage. Top-ranked Hewlett-Packard (HPQ) and No. 3 Dell (DELL) share characteristics absent in the Asian vendors: Both face various legal troubles and leadership turmoil. Both have seen a string of executive and board departures. Dell has been able to settle most, but not all, of its lawsuits. HP faces yet another regulatory probe over its split with former chief Mark Hurd. Both continuously bleed high-level talent. Meanwhile, Acer, Lenovo, and Asus, another Taiwanese firm, now in the sixth spot, slowly and steadily build their international presence.

The U.S. and China represent big battlegrounds for all these vendors, must-wins in the market share wars.

ACROSS THE STRAIT

Taiwanese president Ma Ying-Jeou renewed Taiwan's plea for more F-16s, citing China’s recent unveiling of the J-20 stealth fighter. The Republic of China Air Force wants 66 F-16C/D versions to re-equip one of its five fighter wings. According to a report in The Washington Times, the U.S. has decided to offer Taiwan an upgrade for its 150-strong fleet of 1980 era F-16A/B models instead, hoping it will be less likely to stir opposition from Beijing.

While the F-16A/B is considered an obsolete platform (in the U.S. these aircraft are converted into flying targets) given the aircraft have enough lifespan, such upgrade could dramatically boost the capabilities and availability of these obsolete fighters, with the replacement of radars into Active Electronically Scanning Array (AESA), helmet display sights and more advanced missiles.

Days after Chinese leader Hu Jintao leaves Washington, Taiwan’s President Ma Ying-jeou is again calling on the United States to supply Taiwan with fighter aircraft. The U.S. approved a $6.4-billion U.S.-dollar arms deal last year, supplying weapons to Taiwan. But the deal left out the F-16 fighter aircraft the Taiwanese government had originally requested.

Taiwanese officials acknowledge that the Chinese regime has now tipped the balance in terms of military capability across the Taiwan Strait. Taiwan is eager to modernise its military and has already been attempting to buy new combat aircraft since 2006.

President Ma addressed the issue at a meeting with Raymond Burghardt, the United States’ top representative to Taiwan. Burghardt was in visiting Taiwan to brief Ma about Hu Jintao’s recent visit to the United States.

"There has been a military imbalance over the strait for a long time—that is our common concern, Taiwan has looked forward to F16 C/D fighters and we also hope to get diesel-electric submarines, not to enlarge our military hardware but to renew it. We have some old fighters and submarines, which are a disadvantage in Taiwanese defence." said Ma Ying-jeou, President of Taiwan.

China’s New Fighter Prompts Renewed F-16 Plea from Taiwan